THE PRE-DEMOCRATIC Regionalism in a region without historical consciousness THE PRE-DEMOCRATIC Regionalism in a region without historical consciousness. FIRST regional outbreak in Castilla-La Mancha . ( 1 )
CASTELLANOS JOSE ANTONIO LOPEZ ( 2)
University of Castilla-La Mancha
Introduction
At the height of 1976 the structure of political power in the English State struggled in the throes of a long experience dictatorship and the advent of a new political system was set among its priorities the ending of an era of stiff lack of freedoms in the country from basin almost forty years. On this date in 1976 has some of the most decisive progress in the process of change that would lead to Spain from an authoritarian regime to a democratic, parliamentary, and multiparty. The appointment in July of that year of Adolfo Suarez as prime minister, the start of talks with the democratic opposition groups and the holding December referendum of the Political Reform Act constituted the most important events in this process of political reorientation facing the country at that time.
The year 1976 meant also the beginning of change from one of the most important issues to those faced the rulers of the country's political transition: the land issue, since on that date, and simultaneously with the relaunch of the democratic yearnings emerge in Spain hopes for autonomy. Shortly after the death of the dictator, to the country's political nuevosrectores is evident that the stage of political change was coming, the problem is regional / national would occupy a more prominent place. And very soon also be clearly aware that this issue is not going to confine exclusively to the case with Catalan and Basque.
strict compliance centralism made final crisis with the death of General Franco who made this plant " their preferred medium of domination " ( 3 ) Dead dictator and put on the table the issue change of a regime unacceptable format, the new rulers who took over the country and the leaders of training democratic opposition politicians even shared a common idea: the system of territorial organization based on the then prevailing centralism obviously due to be reformed if not seriously modified. The most
Democrats believe this conviction was so deep that it was inconceivable the implementation of a system of freedom without the realization of a comprehensive regional decentralization. The conquest of political freedom and access to pluralistic democracy is clearly identified with the establishment of autonomy . ( 4 ) And certainly, there were no territories of the State of this identification excel with more nerve than in Catalonia and the Basque Country. As happened during the Second Republic, the effort to solve the regional problem in the new democratic system again be largely an attempt to solve the problems Catalan and Basque.
Already in the first half of 1976 the government of Carlos Arias was aware of the desirability of giving out any claims Catalan and Basque. Result of this concern was the establishment of separate committees that would comoobjetivo study the possible relocation of the special administrative arrangements for the provinces of Vizcaya and Guipuzcoa, and similarly for Catalonia. The situation however, it was not for delaying reports and get the government Suárez was soon clear that the national problem required more determination. The Executive Suarez in the program declaration of July 1976 indicated its intention to institutionalize the self-governing regions . (5 ) result of this idea was the first "text" gesture "on the issue regional and that there was, curiously not in relation to Catalonia, but with the Basque Country. The Royal Decree of 30 October 1976 repealing Decree-Law of 23 June on the which of Vizcaya and Guipúzcoa provinces had been stripped of economic gig.
Possibly the least relevant of that provision merely normative value negative. What was significant was that in its preamble mentioned "will inclusive of the Crown and their desire for participation by all peoples of Spain in the current political process ." Francisco Tomás y Valiente, the meaning of the Act is such that it does not hesitate to put in it the beginning of the autonomic . ( 6 ) example of this emerging regional concerns as it was also widespread that year in much of the country to commemorate the practice through some form of popular gathering the "day" in the region, a mixture of political act, claims of regional pride and cultural and folk show . ( 7 ) regional concern would be set at that year the main theme would wave the participants in the demonstrations and protests for democratic progress in much of the state: " Liberty, Amnesty and Statute of Autonomy ."
Two years later, the political configuration of the English state had undergone a remarkable transformation in relation to situation in 1976. In late 1978, the country had seen as legalizing political parties, were held the first democratic elections for over forty years, and as the English people had consented to a Constitution that "the consensus of the vast majority of state political spectrum - explicitly advocated as superior values \u200b\u200bof its legal system " freedom, justice, equality and political pluralism " ( 8 )
mutations in this biennium implemented in relation to the territorial organization of the State had been, also, a huge draft, becoming part of the aforementioned fundamental change process. At this time, the government removed the legal Suárez hitherto been suppressing the facts differentials in certain areas of the state, while resolved implement a decentralization framework, that of the pre-autonomy, which at first imagined time to satisfy the desires for autonomy in certain regions of the country would eventually spread to the whole state (the famous "Café for all ") laying the foundation of what would be the regional generalization. The Constitution, through Article 2 and Title VTII would be responsible for legal and solemnly ratify the situation.
The last of these pre-autonomous entities to be established in November 1978 was the Castilian-La Mancha region. In 1976 a bridge of union in particular, merely of shared misery, seemed to unite the provinces of Albacete, Ciudad Real, Cuenca, Guadalajara and Toledo. Two years later, these five provinces were loaded on a common political project called Castilla-La Mancha, - though officially the designation would then be the Castilian-La Mancha region, a new political-institutional organization that would guide them on their path democratic and unexplored by the Autonomous State. This communication is set as a primary objective to analyze which were the main events that marked this period of restoration of democracy and regional gestation precisely in the year 1976 in the institutional
1. The meeting of Mota del Cuervo: Francoist prosecutors foreshadow the region.
However the low level of vitiating the various regional initiatives undertaken in the future that would be Castilian-La Mancha provinces along this initial stage of the democratization process, the first signs of interest by the regional issue looming in the five provinces and a few months after the death of Franco, that is, as would occur synchronously to other areas of the state. The fact that regional concerns about what sprouted in parallel in most of the state territory is an indication enough of the importance of telling what would have autonomy in the evolution of the process of political change.
In this sense, it is clear that the level of protest, organization and social mobilization in these provinces was much lower than that achieved in other areas of the country such as Catalonia, Basque Country, Galicia and Andalusia. Moreover, if anyone dared to proclaim strongly that all these elements are absent in the case of Castilla-La Mancha is not far astray from the truth. However, this circumstance yconstituyendo a fact hardly questionable, the fact remains that in the early months of 1976-indeed in contexts defined, originating the first signs of interest in the regional theme in these provinces.
At that time, for example, much of the day Autonomous Community of the future see the light the first articles and editorials that focus their attention on the uncertain future that awaited regional these provinces. But if the theoretical level - by the hand of the ever minority and underserved regional intelligentsia - the theme soon occupy space in the public media, in the section of the practical things run more slowly. Possibly, the first call attention to the issue made by a representative of an official body was made up of a statement made by President of the Diputación de Ciudad Real, Fernando de Juan, Lope Díaz-Díaz in January 1976 Radio program Nacional, Spain to the eight in which he was in favor of " the union of the four provinces of La Mancha to achieve optimal administration of our resources have been close economic and administrative framework province." ( 9)
In the months following the timid gestures happen in the provinces considered regionalist Mancha. In March the four provinces of La Mancha come together for Food exhibition held in Barcelona 76. The April 7 meeting in the town of Cuenca in the paper Mota del Cuervo homogeneous Counties Economic-Social Council of Association of La Mancha, in the case at this meeting for the first time in several years of existence, the regional issue. The rapporteur responsible, Eugenio Molina Muñoz, stressed the need to " define, strengthen and clarify the region and regional recognition of the fact " ( 10 ). On 24 deabril that month, again from Ciudad Real, emphasized the desirability of laying the groundwork for a regional project manchego. That day took place in the Civil Government of this province a meeting for the study of La Mancha as a region under the chairmanship of the Civil Governor, Eduardo Ameijide, and attended, also, Fernando de Juan, Lope Díaz-Díaz, president of the Provincial Government, and Angel García Cuesta, provincial delegate of Trade Unions. The meeting stressed that the provinces should join Mancha regional dynamics in order to escape marginalization and underdevelopment that was suffering. ( 11 )
Just two days later, and again in the town of Mota del Cuervo, would take place that would become the main landmark of regionalism Castilian-Manchego pre-democratic. The April 26 response to invitations of the five chairmen of the Provincial de Albacete, Ciudad Real, Cuenca, Guadalajara and Toledo, and with a view to determining the actual formulas earlier proposals for action, gathered at the Don Quijote Inn of the said town of Cuenca a number of prosecutors in courts, whatever the cause or origin that occupy seats in them, linked to those provinces. ( 12 ) The meeting had been scheduled for March 26, but ultimately had to be postponed until the 26th, but April. Prosecutors in the Courts of the five Castilian-La Mancha future provinces attended her amply prepared to discuss regional approaches and administrative decentralization so far habíanvenido producing and not only at political statements, but specific decisions of government. ( 13 )
Five provinces were in attendance. Until then all the quotes and references alluded to regional formulations circumscribed the four provinces, geographically and traditionally were considered Mancha. The incorporation of Guadalajara was a novelty to a considerable extent, it meant a foreshadowing of future autonomous community of Castilla-La Mancha. Despite their presence, to the chairman of the Provincial Alcarrian were equally revealing about the position in the Guadalajara to be installed on the regional project of the five provinces. According to Francisco López de Lucas his presence at the meeting had been acting as mere "observer." ( 14) from Guadalajara cost own fully appreciate how involvement with a regionalist concerns and desires in which the mancheguismo seem to be the dominant note.
And if the inclusion of the province Alcarrian it wore an obvious meaning, the final absence of Madrid not matter less. Between suspended and assembly meeting approved, it was decided to invite the President of the Provincial Madrid, Martinez Emperador. He accepted, but ultimately had to excuse their support because the second meeting coincided in time with the inauguration of the new mayor of the capital of the state, and finally, the president of the council decided not to Madrid. But the topic Madrid and its inclusion in future meetings hypothetical occupied much of the meeting of Mota del Cuervo ( 15 ). to questions from journalists, the presidents of the County came to agree that the Madrid laincorporación not excluded from the outset, but would depend on what they thought their own attorneys. ( 16)
The limited presence of attorneys Albacete-only attended the Provincial President Daniel Silvestre Morote-also drew attention to certain areas, as suggested to more than one result was that the low representation the lack of that province to be part of regional project manchego. Murcia The alternative seemed to hide behind those doubts regionalist Albacete, hitherto one of the pioneers in the regional constitution. ( 17) days after the conclusion of the meeting Daniel Silvestre himself and some of the prosecutors were trying to justify what happened absent. According to the chairman of the council there had been a mistake in the citation which had resulted in a confusion that had prevented call ahead to the rest of his fellow ( 18). Explanation the rest of prosecutors seemed to be something different. While Ricardo Fernandez confirmed the untimely arrival of the service as an excuse, Gonzalo Botija Cape stated that he had not been called and did not know which agency had promoted the meeting. ( 19)
Actually all these disquisitions about the presence of one or the other provinces in this session of Mota del Cuervo were but branches of the same issue: the territorial composition of this hypothetical regional body which then began to discuss ( 20). The presence of Guadalajara surprised some, the momentary absence of Madrid it was still appealing to others. One headline of the news story that the newspaper Cuenca El Banzo reuniónreflejaba made of a unique expression which were the conditions that respect the provincial affiliation determined the then emerging regionalist movement. Conditions that would be called to mark the passage of Castilian-La Mancha autonomous process for many more years: "Three pillars firm, Ciudad Real, Cuenca and Toledo. Albacete, stripping daisy between La Mancha and the southeast. Guadalajara waiting. And the bottom Madrid " ( 21). It is almost impossible to synthesize the best patterns that marked the debate over the territorial integrity Castilian-La Mancha. In as early as 1976, even without democracy, when it was much the way yet to go to complete the institutional realization of which would become Castilla-La Mancha, some were already clear what would be the parameters on what going to move this problem.
But as expected not only-provincial-territorial composition of the sputtering region was the subject of discussion and debate. The other major outstanding issue was on the very name of this new region to which you want to shape. In the institutional statement made by the meeting in Mota del Cuervo, to which reference will be made soon "is detected, in this sense, a gap is clearly significant. And in no time prosecutors regionalist manifesto signatories came to pronounce the name of that region who claimed to be promoted, so that it came to talking about " elsewhere" without establishing first what was the region that generated the concept of otherness. When the prosecutors spoke of the area sought to defend referring to "our provinces " or "local " undesignated never a proper name region.
The reason for this is simple and easy to understand when we consider the territorial origin of the crowd in the town of Cuenca. The presence at the meeting of representatives of Guadalajara would be decisive in this regard. If anyone Mota had not come on behalf of the province Alcarrian, it is highly probable that had not existed the slightest inconvenience in making use of the concept of La Mancha and / or region of La Mancha. Guadalajara But this, things changed. Any hint of the style of those certainly would have been unacceptable to Alcarrian present. The controversy that will arise at a later date regarding the name of the entity autonomy in the province Alcarrian endorse this statement. In 1976, trying to put a name to what was nothing more than an ideal in diapers would not have been more cause of dispute and disagreement. Becomes understandable why the use of neutral phrases like "these ", " our 'or' cited " provinces.
The variety in the headlines of the media in different provinces that reported the event, is a good example of determining who was then living in the five provinces regarding the name of the entity that would have to make that new and even diffuse project regional. Thus, while the daily ciudarrealeño Lanza spoke of a meeting of "La Mancha more Guadalajara province " ( 22), and the newspaper Cuenca Banzo The announcement comes "when La Mancha " ( 23) Guadalajara weekly Flowers and Bees Alcarrenian entitled" Guadalajara Castilla to the regional process " ( 24), and New Alcarria meanwhile opted for questioning on "A statute the central region? " ( 25 ). From a national media as the newspaper Village, also echoed the meeting, the news was contemplated from another angle: " Prosecutors in New Castile, opposition to economic concerts " ( 26) titled the Madrid daily. As can be seen, versions for all tastes, partial, very subjective, which in large measure to report accurately, helping to spread confusion about a political project which at that time still suffered more ways to diffuse. Left side
therefore possible grounds for dispute as surely would have been the regional designation, participants at the meeting issued a public statement in writing where they picked up the main conclusions and agreements that were reached after the end of it. Which has been known as "Regional Declaration Mota del Cuervo " consisted of five points, through which the prosecutors said in Cortes will bring to the attention of the Government for its reflections on the regional issue following recent developments on this matter in the country. ( 27)
Actually the first two points were but a proclamation of ideals and ideological values. The remaining three contained the most substantial of the statement and they lived the true regional freight manifest. The first point was a clear "reaffirmation national unity" in the words of the attorneys could not be "weakened by any separatism or by formulas a federal state." Prosecutors took advantage of this fervent patriotic demonstration to reject the term nationality, then enshrined in the Constitution. On the second point, however, the signatories praised the " regional variety of Spain" under which declared supporters of "promote regional peculiarities."
The third point down and to the practical level, by becoming a defense of administrative decentralization for the various local authorities with the aim of " bring solutions to problems and encourage popular participation in matters more directly affect the people . " Therefore requested the Government policy action in this direction, it should be "generally conceived and non-discriminatory in favor of any province or region . " The fourth and fifth points were part of the same idea.
The fourth point was a warning about the economic plight of those living in the provinces, accompanied by the application of a policy of more balanced regional development. Given this fact, the prosecutors expressed their alarm at the " economic news of possible dates precisely to the most developed provinces or income" that would condemn these provinces to continue to live in backwardness.
The fifth and final point, served to firmly reject the implementation of the above Economic gigs " breaking national solidarity and the unevenness of income accrue " and to advocate, in the event that the Government finally decided to tackle the economic policy of concerts, that these same practices were applied to the provinces represented for them, and in terms that allow the redistribution of income.
An analysis with minimal attention to the document made public in Mota, one arrives at the quick conclusion that this is but the first major exhibition of what the future would become some of the main elements justifying and defining Castilian-Manchego regionalism: extreme conservation of national unity and development of the idea of \u200b\u200bdecentralization adrninistrativa as ideal instrument for development. And finally the existence of a regional idea in negative, ie, defending itself as opposed regionalism and reaction to the rise of regionalist movements-nationalist character much more settled in the state picture, as they could represent the Catalan case Basque. All claim of economic concerts refers directly to this idea.
In this sense, the meeting of Mota del Cuervo finds clear parallels in developments in other areas of the state, characterized also for not having a strong regional consciousness, and where prosecutors gathered Franco also in order to vindicate the rights of the provinces they represented and express his misgivings to potential deals for other regions.
The meeting and / or agreement of Tordesillas is an excellent example. On February 16, 1976 gathered at the Hotel Molino de Tordesillas (Valladolid) thirty lawyers in parliament representatives of eleven provinces: current castellanoleonesa more Santander and Logroño. After six hours of meeting was presented to the press a statement that the big issue, as in Mota, the concerts were cheap. Prosecutors gathered in Tordesillas favored the spread of the system advocated further adoption prior to the establishment of such measures, of the laws necessary to guarantee "free access the same in all provinces, the equal legal and financial treatment, and equity in relation to the various situations renting and solidarity. " ( 28)
must remember in this connection that both statements are produced in a situation in which the subject was receiving special regional force especially endeterminados territories of the State in which they demanded the return of old tax liens and reconstitution of regional peculiarities enjoyed before. A situation in which the governments of the monarchy, in its desire to minimize the conflict of national origin, could not remain indifferent. Thus, in February 1976 the government approved the creation of a Commission should consider a special regime for the four Catalan provinces . ( 29) Just six months later, on October 30, a Royal Decree-Law returned fiscal autonomy and reinstall the system from the concert in the provinces of Vizcaya and Guipuzcoa. (30 ) The substantive reasons that caused the fears of the solicitors of both castles were not unfounded.
At the end of the declaration of Mota del Cuervo said prosecutors become permanent commission to provide channels and answers to the issues raised in the manifesto. In the same vein, the presidents of the five councils declared their intention to compose a permanent work team, whose first task would be to set an agenda and agenda of the next meeting . ( 31) The next meeting had apparently been set for the 24th of May and it was decided that simple again Mota del Cuervo, this being a point equidistant town. ( 32 )
2. The regional center or what about Madrid?
However, reality soon commissioned to demonstrate the weakness of these plans to continue the work begun in Mota diocontinuidad No new meeting as set out in the town of Cuenca, having to wait for the arrival of democracy to entity a regionalist movement in the five provinces was turned on again. But before that happened, even in pre-democratic stage and hand the central government would still get any initiative that would review the issue on the table regional groups of the future provinces Castilian-La Mancha.
In this context, the August 24, 1976 order was published July 31, Ministry of the Presidency and which created the Management Committee for the socioeconomic development of the Central Region comprising the provinces of Madrid, Toledo, Ciudad Real, Cuenca, Guadalajara, Avila and Segovia, ( 33 ) boundary coincides with the set redistricting brought into effect in November 1973 (See Map 1). The preamble of the said Order brought together the motives that had led the government to the creation of this Commission. ( 34 )
According to the decree, both the Madrid metropolitan phenomenon as the influence it exerted on the environment, established a geographical area with sufficient natural affinities, historical and cultural as to be worthy of a specific program of socioeconomic development. Also understood that this territory, although not consistent with traditional regional boundaries, it was closer to the modern concept of region and territory able to develop and star in a growth singular self-sustaining, while integrated into the larger territorial and national socio-economic approaches.
 |
Territorial Map 1 .- Configuration of the Central Region
Source: Compiled from data contained in the Order
of |
31/07/1976
In this direction the drafters of the order believed that regardless of his duties as the nation's capital, Madrid Metropolitan Area was not fulfilling the mission so far as it was for regional growth, and that there was another to pay the rest of your system territorial services of their own unique urban hierarchy and radiate at the same developmental effects. This lack would have caused an excessive concentration of residential, industrial and service in the metropolitan area and a growing regional depopulation . ( 35 )
According to the Secretary of the Presidency and the Director General of Planning and Action Environment-makers real-governmental esteconjunto this guideline specific problems and potentials, with consideration of population funding, and the physical and techno-economic who attended in the region, advised the creation of an administrative organ to study, plan and coordinate the actions necessary to ensure a harmonious development among its regions and provinces, coordinated with national approaches. ( 36 )
Taking into account these considerations can understand the limitations of Government Order project as a regional content is concerned. As clearly pointed out a newspaper Toledo weeks after the order saw the light, in this order was not regionalism, but congestion in Madrid. ( 37 ) What really betrayed this formulation devised by the Central Region Executive Smith was only a limited planning and administrative technocratic whose main objective was to try to reconcile the excessive and uncontrollable growth of the state capital, with the development of the provinces that surrounded. Any hint of political autonomy, true regionalization and decentralization was conspicuous by its absence. Within this
decaffeinated regionalism is trying to promote this region center, the arbitrariness in the territorial composition of the project soon became the main factor why that possibility was rejected in both the northern provinces of the central system in South ( 38). With respect to Avila and Segovia, its insertion in the central region allegedly involved in a project that gravitated around Madrid, and was not provided with good eyes by those who advocated its links to the regional project castellanoleonés ( 39). In certain areas of the region's future as Castilian-La Mancha Ciudad Real, endonde mancheguista feeling was more developed, which would have been dispensed with La Mancha as a geographical unit to be off the hook Albacete, was a fact that also drew attention. ( 40 )
In fact, from the very province of Albacete, dismantled in the Government Order project quickly tried to reverse this situation. In October 1976, the president of the provincial council, Daniel Silvestre, I decided to make a motion on including in the Central Albacete, Albacete considering that by their nature, "with obvious analogies for the provinces that were already in Commission to "should be integrated into it. (41 ) The striking of the motion submitted to Silvestre plenum of the provincial corporation was trying to get them to approve the application for membership in the Central, but without abandoning the Southeast region (Albacete, Murcia, Almeria, Alicante), which until then belonged Albacete. ( 42 ) The behavior of the then President of the Provincial Albacete is actually quite revealing as it was an anticipation of what would be a constant between good politicians and public officials Albacete throughout the entire process Castilian-La Mancha regional government : the development between two stools, the choice of the Southeast, eventually materialized in Murcia, and Manchego option finally materialized in Castilla-La Mancha.
Apart from disquisitions on the territorial composition of the draft Central Region, the gubernatorial plan was worthy of other criticisms. Many were struck by the scale of the Management Committee representative, especially when it was at the gates of democracy: its nearly forty members, only fourteen, including presidents of the council and mayors were elected, if you can ténnino use that in a democratic system and yet the president and the manager were attributed to Madrid appointments. ( 43 ) In general we can say that the creation of the regionalised simulation was referred to the central region was the most absolute indifference. As point out Pedro Peral, ciudarrealeño aide Lanza, many of the inhabitants of the provinces affected by the ministerial decree were " too accustomed to the creation of commissions, boards, councils and other trifles, in which we inserted in interprovincial level, without so far we have achieved no benefit . "(44 ) The inclusion of Madrid, also could not but be regarded with suspicion because they were not few those who held that" until proven Otherwise the big fish eats the small " (45 )
Conclusions Both the meeting of Mota del Cuervo, as projected by the Government in relation to the Central Region would have little real impact as far as the momentum of regionalism in the future provinces Castilian-La Mancha is concerned. The fact that both initiatives to take place even in pre-democratic age is a factor that had a lot to do with it. Thus, a few political figures such as prosecutors in parliament - which had not been occupied for decades to defend the real interests of the provinces that claimed to represent - little could be expected to achieve substantial progress when a thorny field and then was regionalism, and more in a territory like that of the five provinces where regional consciousness if it was just shone by their absence. Of a project, as the central region, pointless, meaningless, and to make matters worse, designed from, and Madrid, could not wait long.
However, both initiatives have a definite significance to the extent that anticipated subsequent events and developments of the Castilian-La Mancha regional issue. Thus, the draft Central Region tabled which would become a major problems in shaping the future autonomy, as would be the debate over the inclusion of Madrid, because such a project was not only an explicit defense and full-scale polarization of the criteria as a key criterion when territorial structure regions. Criteria have been applied may have ended with the integration of Madrid in the autonomous community of Castilla-La Mancha.
As regards the meeting of Mota del Cuervo, its value, while prefiguring many of the conflicts that would frame the future of autonomy Castilian-La Mancha in the following years, is also unquestionable. In Mota emerged and the subject of Madrid, the doubts of Albacete and Guadalajara, the contrast between the Castilian and manchego, also raises some of those to be major regionalist arguments and justifications ... were put on the table, finally, some of the issues would characterize axial pohtico and institutional development in the emerging region until its final institution-building in 1983.
Antonio Fernández-Galiano Fernández
Professor. Political
Barcelona, \u200b\u200b1926 - Madrid, 1999
First President of the Junta de Comunidades de Castilla-La Mancha .
In his political career, (and given the close connection, since several generations of his family to the province of Guadalajara), appear early in the democratic era, having been elected Senator for the province of Guadalajara in the legislatures of 1977 and 1979, belonging, in the second, the Permanent Delegation of the Senate. He was undersecretary of the Ministry of Education and Science (1977-78) and big booster of the idea of \u200b\u200bcreation of the Autonomous Region of Castilla-La Mancha, which was elected first President of the Community Board in December 1978 position from which he resigned in January 1982.
In your professional appearance, has a doctorate in law and graduated in Philosophy, Philosophy section. He has been Professor of Philosophy at Baccalaureate Colleges of Economics and Industrial Engineering Schools. He is Professor of Natural Law and Philosophy of Law, currently at the National University of Distance Education. He has also held various positions in the area of \u200b\u200beducation, having been deputy general secretary of the National Education Council, Vice Chancellor of the Complutense University, vice president of the Management Committee of the University of Alcalá de Henares and Secretary of the Faculty of Law Complutense University. It is also extraordinary professor of philosophy of law at the Catholic University of La Plata (Argentina). Author of numerous books and articles in his field, highlighted the various editions of his Introduction to the Philosophy of Law "and" Natural Law "
His political profile tells us that from the Christian Democrats, was elected senator in Union lists Democratic Centre (UCD) in the province of Guadalajara in the elections of June 15, 1977, in the so-called Constituent Assembly, and in the 1979 elections. Subsequently became the first president of the Board autonomic regions of Castilla-La Mancha on 29 November 1978, a post he held until February 1982. Fernandez-Galiano contributed from the presidency of the pre-autonomy to take the first steps on the status of Castilla-La Mancha autonomous community
Gonzalo Payo Subiza Thumb on 10 January 1931, + 13.08.2002
Toledo Gonzalo Payo
Subiza, was born in the town of Toledo Thumb on 10 January 1931, was graduated in mathematics from the University of Zaragoza (1958) and PhD Geographer since 1964 and was the second regional president at the time autonomic in place of Senator Antonio Fernández Galiano, in 1982.
In 1964 he was appointed director of the Central Geophysical Observatory of Toledo, because of their research, especially in the field of Seismology and Physics of the interior of the earth.
started in politics in 1977, was presented to the general elections held on 15 June of that year and was elected deputy of the Democratic Centre Union (UCD) in Toledo.
belonged to the Committees of the Tajo-Segura, the Disabled, the Presidency and was Chairman of the Education Commission of the Congress.
After the municipal elections of 1979 was Councillor City of Toledo and later, president of the Provincial Council and Executive Director of the Castilian-La Mancha region.
As a member of UCD in September 1979 Chair of the Provincial Party in Toledo, while in January was nominated for president of the Community Board and finally the February 1, 1982 was elected president of the Board Comunidades de Castilla-La Mancha with 32 votes of 35 cast in place of Senator Antonio Fernández Galiano. Gonzalo Payo
remained in this position until the end of 1982, when he resigned to return as Chief Engineer of the Geophysical Observatory of Toledo.
He returned to political life in the regional elections of 1995 when she went through lists of the Popular Party, was elected regional representative. In the legislature he served as spokesman for the Popular Party and in 1998 gave the reply to President Jose Bono in the first debate on the state of the region that was held in Castilla-La Mancha.
appeared once again on the PP to the elections of 1999 renewed his seat in the regional parliament, and in recognition of his dedication and received political career this year, the Gold Medal of Castilla-La Mancha, which was granted by by José Bono. In his prolific life
, Gonzalo Payo published over sixty research papers, presented at numerous national and international conferences, as well as three books of poetry, "
Dreams" (1952), "Under
silence" (1978) and "Poems
love and death."
In 1984 he wrote a novel that was a finalist University of Seville and in 1987, his second novel "
Richter Scale" was a finalist for the Premio Planeta.
was a member of the National Association of Earthquake Engineering, the National Commission of Geodesy and Geophysics, The American Geophysical Union (USA), The Royal Astronomical Society (UK) and The American Seismological Society (USA).
Jesus Lazaro Fuentes
(Toledo, May 23, 1946)
was president of the Junta de Comunidades de Castilla-La Mancha autonomic since December 1982 to May 1983. Historian and journalist, Fuentes is a historic member of PSOE in the province of Toledo. Deputy
during the I, II and III Legislatures, as well as a senator for the IV, in all cases in the province of Toledo. Jesus Fuentes was appointed Chairman of the Board on December 22, 1982. After being chosen candidate for President of the Board at the first regional elections of Castilla-La Mancha, the federal direction party beat Jose Bono, at the time deputy to the Congress of Deputies and well connected with the party apparatus, led by Alfonso Guerra.
was municipal councilor in Toledo from 1987 to 1991, having been the spokesman of the Socialist Municipal Group. In the same period served as the spokesperson of the Socialists in the Diputación Provincial de Toledo, which was a member. Jesus Fuentes served as general secretary of the PSOE provincial of Toledo from 1981 until 1987, when a management committee took over the party leadership with the resignation of sources.
Notes:
1 .- Published II International Congress on History of the Transition in Spain . ISBN 84-689-4209-X
2 .- This paper is part of a larger research project on the process of political change in Castilla-La Mancha, whose most notable has been the drafting of the Doctoral Thesis, The democratic transition in Castilla-La Mancha (1976-1983). Regional and regional construction process, co-directed by Professors Peter Oliver and John Sisinio Pérez Olmo Garzón, and successfully defended by the speaker last September at the Faculty of Arts UCLM.
3 .- Eduardo GARCÍA DE Enterria, territorial autonomy Studies. Madrid, Civitas, 1985, p. 23.
4 .- Rudolph, MARTIN VILLA, Serving the State . Barcelona, \u200b\u200bPlaneta, 1984, p. 174.
BADÍA 5 .- Juan Ferrer, J.: "Theory and reality of Regional State," in Journal of Comparative Politics, № 3.1980 to 1981, p. 39
6 .- Francisco Tomás y Valiente, " The first phase of construction of the Autonomous State (1978-1983 )", Revista Basque government, № 36.1993, p. 52.
7.- Juan Pablo FUSI, " El desarrollo autonómico ", en Javier TUSELL, y Alvaro SOTO (Dirs.): Historia de la transición y consolidación democrática en España (1975-1986), Madrid, Alianza, 1996, p. 447.
8.- Artículo Io de la CE.
9.- El Banzo , Cuenca, № 8,1976, p. 12.
10.-ídem.
11.- Lanza , Ciudad Real 25-4-76, p. 3.
12.- Asistieron por la provincia de Cuenca : Constantino Palomino de Lucas, Juan Alonso-Villalobos Merino, Francisco Moreno Arenas, Ignacio Basanta Moral and Emilio Sánchez Pintado . For the province of Albacete: Daniel Silvestre Morote. For the province of Ciudad Real: Fernando de Juan, Lope Díaz-Díaz, Luis Alvarez Molina, Francisco Bernalte Bernardo, Luis Martínez Gutiérrez, José Poveda Murcia and Anibal Diaz-Hellin Arenas. For the province of Guadalajara, Francisco López de Lucas, Antonio Lozano Vines. For the province of Toledo: José Finat de Bustos, Hesse Antonio López, José María Fernández de la Vega and Sedan, and Rafael del Águila Goicoechea.
13 .- La Verdad, Albacete, 04.27.1976, p. 6.
14 .- The Banzo , Cuenca, № 8.1976, p. 14.
15 .- Lanza, Ciudad Real, 27.04.1976, p. 16.
16 .- The Banzo , Cuenca, № 8.1976, p. 12.
17 .- Idem, p. 15.
18 .- La Verdad, Albacete, 28.04.1976, p. 3.
28-76 19.-Idem, p. 12.
20.-The uncertainty on the issue led to some even raised the possibility of union with Extremadura. La Verdad, Albacete, 28.04.1976, p. 3, The Banzo , Cuenca, № 8, 1976, p. 14.
21 .- The Banzo , Cuenca, № 8.1976, p. 13.
22 .- Lanza, Ciudad Real, 27.04.1976, p. 16.
23 .- The Banzo , Cuenca, № 8.1976, p. 9.
24 .- Flowers & Bees, Guadalajara, 27.04.1976, p. 1.
25 .- New Alcarria , Guadalajara, 01.05.1976, p. 7.
26 .- Pueblo, Madrid, 27.04.1976, p. 5
27 .- Statement of Mota del Cuervo : File Hon. Provincial Ciudad Real, Correspondence, Sg. 3934. The "Declaration" they belong to the following quotes can be found in its entirety equally Isidro Sanchez, Castilla-La Mancha Contemporary (1800-1975). Madrid, Celeste P. 37.
28 .- Mariano GONZÁLEZ Clavero, The process Castilla y León. Valladolid Foundation Villalar, Vol I, p 78.
29 .- Francisco Tomás y Valiente, op. cit., p. 52.
30 .- On the back of the economic privileges in the two provinces, Eduardo, ALONSO OLEA, " The long road to recovery from the economic agreement of Vizcaya and Guipuzcoa " in Javier, Tusell, and Alvaro, SOTO, International Congress of transition and democratic consolidation in Spain (1975-1986), Madrid, UNED-UAM, 1996, Vol I, pp. 377-406.
31 .- Lanza, Ciudad Real 04.27.1976, p. 16.
32 .- La Verdad, Albacete, 28.04.1976, p. 3.
33 .- Lanza, Ciudad Real, 9.9.1976, p. 16.
34 .- The transient effect and impact of the failed attempt was the central region caused very little has been what has been written on the subject. To highlight something could be cited in Manuel, VALENZUELA RUBIO, " The decongestion Industrial Madrid. A step towards the central region? " in Annals of the Institute of Madrileños, № 13, 1976, pp. 183-204.
35 .- Journal Basin, Cuenca, 03/19/1977 , p 7.
36 .- Id.
37 .- Voice Talavera, Talavera de la Reina, 22.09.1976, p. 3.
Isidro 38 .- , Sanchez, Castilla-La Mancha ... op. cit., p. 36.
39.-Mariano, GONZÁLEZ Clavero, The process of Castile and Leon autonomous , op. cit., Vol I , p. 90.
40 .- Lanza , Ciudad Real, 3.9.1976, p. 16.
41 .- La Verdad, Albacete, 10.29.1976, p. 5.
42 .- idem ,3-ll-76, p. 3
43 .- Lanza, Ciudad Real, 9.3.1976, p. 16.
44.-Ditto, 09.11.1976, p. 16.
45 .- Id.
